De Bello Gallico 4.20-38 (Abridged)

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[20] Exigua parte aestatis reliqua Caesar, etsi in his locis maturae sunt hiemes, tamen in Britanniam proficisci contendit, quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde subministrata auxilia intellegebat, et si tempus anni ad bellum gerendum deficeret, tamen magno sibi usui fore arbitrabatur, si modo insulam adiisset, genus hominum perspexisset, loca, portus, aditus cognovisset; quae omnia fere Gallis erant incognita.

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[20] Exigua parte aestatis reliqua Caesar, etsi in his locis maturae sunt hiemes, tamen in Britanniam proficisci contendit, quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde subministrata auxilia intellegebat, et si tempus anni ad bellum gerendum deficeret, tamen magno sibi usui fore arbitrabatur, si modo insulam adiisset, genus hominum perspexisset, loca, portus, aditus cognovisset; quae omnia fere Gallis erant incognita.

In the small remaining part of summer Caesar, though in these places the winters are early, nevertheless strove to set out into Britain, because he understood that ‘in’ almost all the Gallic wars help had been provided to our enemy from there; and if the time of year were ‘unsuitable' 'to wage' war, nevertheless he thought ‘that it’ would be ‘of’ great use to himself, if he’d only gone towards the island, examined ‘its’ race of people, and got to know ‘their’ places, harbours, ‘and landing places’; all things which were generally unknown to the Gauls.

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[20] Neque enim temere praeter mercatores illo adit quisquam, neque his ipsis quicquam praeter oram maritimam atque eas regiones quae sunt contra Galliam notum est. Itaque vocatis ad se undique mercatoribus, neque quanta esset insulae magnitudo neque quae aut quantae nationes incolerent, neque quem usum belli haberent aut quibus institutis uterentur, neque qui essent ad maiorem navium multitudinem idonei portus reperire poterat.

[20] For neither did anyone except merchants hardly ever go towards that ‘place’, nor is anything known by these ‘people’ themselves except the coast and those regions which are facing Gaul. And so, with merchants called to him from all sides, he could find out neither how big the island’s size was nor which or how ‘many’ tribes lived ‘there’, nor what experience / method of war they had or which laws / customs they used, nor which harbours were suitable for a rather great number of ships.

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[21] Ad haec cognoscenda, C. Volusenum cum navi longa praemittit. Huic mandat ut exploratis omnibus rebus ad se quam primum revertatur. Ipse cum omnibus copiis in Morinos proficiscitur, quod inde erat brevissimus in Britanniam traiectus. Huc naves undique ex finitimis regionibus et quam superiore aestate ad Veneticum bellum fecerat classem iubet convenire.

To get to know’ these things, he sends Caius Volusenus [a Roman military officer] ahead with a warship. He commissions this ‘man’ to return to him as soon as possible with all things explored. He himself sets out with all ‘his’ forces ‘against’ the Morini [northern Gallic tribe], because from there was the shortest crossing into Britain. He orders ships from all ‘parts of’ the neighbouring regions and the fleet which he’d made the previous year for the Venetian [tribe in what’s now westernmost France] war to assemble here.

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[21] Interim, consilio eius cognito et per mercatores perlato ad Britannos, a compluribus insulae civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt, qui polliceantur obsides dare atque imperio populi Romani obtemperare. Quibus auditis, liberaliter pollicitus hortatusque ut in ea sententia permanerent, eos domum remittit (cum Commium, quem) ipse regem ibi constituerat. Volusenus perspectis regionibus omnibus quantum ei potuit, V. die ad Caesarem revertitur quaeque ibi perspexisset renuntiat.

[21] Meanwhile, with his plan learned and conveyed to the Britons through merchants, envoys come to him from several states of the island, who promise to give hostages and to obey the Roman people’s command. With ‘these’ things listened to, having generously promised and encouraged that they persist in that purpose, he sends them back home, (with Commius, whom) he himself had decided ‘to make’ king there. Volusenus, with all the regions observed as much as 'he' could, returns to Caesar on the fifth day and reports ‘what’ he’d observed there.

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[22] Navibus circiter LXXX onerariis coactis contractisque, quot satis esse ad duas transportandas legiones existimabat, quod praeterea navium longarum habebat quaestori, legatis praefectisque distribuit. Huc accedebant XVIII onerariae naves, quae ex eo loco a milibus passuum VIII vento tenebantur quo minus in eundem portum venire possent: has equitibus tribuit.

[22] With around 80 transport ships gathered together, as many as he thought to be enough ‘to transport’ two legions, moreover he distributed ‘the quantity’ of warships which he had to the quaestor, ‘his’ envoys and commanders. 18 transport ships approached here, which were held eight miles from ‘that’ place by the wind, 'which' couldn’t come into the same harbour: he distributed these ‘ships’ to ‘his’ cavalry.

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[23] His constitutis rebus, nactus idoneam ad navigandum tempestatem III. fere vigilia solvit equitesque naves conscendere et se sequi iussit. ipse hora diei circiter IIII. cum primis navibus Britanniam attigit atque ibi in omnibus collibus expositas hostium copias armatas conspexit. Cuius loci haec erat natura atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, uti ex locis superioribus in litus telum adigi posset. Hunc ad egrediendum nequaquam idoneum locum arbitratus, dum reliquae naves eo convenirent ad horam nonam in ancoris expectavit

[23] With these matters decided, having come upon suitable weather for sailing, he cast off at about the third watch and ordered the horsemen to board the ships and follow him. he himself arrived ‘in’ Britain with the first ships at about the fourth hour of the day and there he saw the enemy’s armed forces set out on all the hills. This was the nature of ‘this’ place and the sea was confined by mountains so close, that a missile could be ‘shot’ from higher places onto the shore. Having thought that this ‘was’ not at all a suitable place for disembarking, while the remaining ships assembled there at the ninth hour, he waited for ‘them at anchor’

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[23] Interim legatis tribunisque militum convocatis et quae ex Voluseno cognovisset et quae fieri vellet ostendit monuitque, ut rei militaris ratio, maximeque ut maritimae res postularent, ut, cum celerem atque instabilem motum haberent, ad nutum et ad tempus omnes res ab iis administrarentur. His dimissis et ventum et aestum uno tempore nactus secundum dato signo et sublatis ancoris circiter milia passuum septem ab eo loco progressus, aperto ac plano litore naves constituit.

Meanwhile, with the envoys and the soldiers’ tribunes called together, he showed and advised ‘them’ both ‘what’ he’d learnt from Volusenus and ‘what’ he wished to happen, as the way of military matters and especially maritime matters demanded that, when they had a swift and unsteady movement, all things ‘should’ be managed by them at a nod and at the time. With these ‘men’ dismissed, having come upon both favourable wind and tide at the one time, with the signal given, and with the anchors raised, having advanced about seven miles from that place, he stationed ‘his’ ships ‘on’ an open and clear shore.

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[24] At barbari, consilio Romanorum cognito praemisso equitatu et essedariis, quo plerumque genere in proeliis uti consuerunt, reliquis copiis subsecuti nostros navibus egredi prohibebant. Erat ob has causas summa difficultas, quod naves propter magnitudinem nisi in alto constitui non poterant, militibus autem, ignotis locis, impeditis manibus, magno et gravi onere armorum oppressis simul et de navibus desiliendum et in fluctibus consistendum et cum hostibus erat pugnandum,

But the barbarians, with the Romans’ plan identified, ‘and’ with cavalry and chariot fighters sent in advance, with a class (of fighter) with which they generally were accustomed to use in battles, ‘and’, having followed closely with the remaining forces, they hindered our ‘men from disembarking’ from ‘their’ ships. There was, for these reasons, the greatest difficulty, because ‘our’ ships, because of ‘their’ size, couldn’t be stationed if not in deep ‘water’, but, with the place unknown to ‘our’ soldiers, ‘and their’ hands entangled, ‘and’ overwhelmed by ‘their’ large and heavy burden of armour, 'they had to’ both jump down from ‘their’ ships and, at the same time, stand in the waves and fight with the enemy,

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[24] cum illi aut ex arido aut paulum in aquam progressi omnibus membris expeditis, notissimis locis, audacter tela coicerent et equos insuefactos incitarent. Quibus rebus nostri perterriti atque huius omnino generis pugnae imperiti, non eadem alacritate ac studio quo in pedestribus uti proeliis consuerant utebantur.

[24] whereas they (the Britons), having advanced either from dry ‘land’ or a little into the water, with all ‘their’ limbs freed, ‘in’ the most ‘important’ places / with the places very ‘well’ known ‘to them’, boldly hurled ‘their’ javelins and urged on ‘their’ horses, accustomed ‘to this situation’. Our ‘men’, thoroughly terrified by ‘these’ circumstances and completely unskilled ‘in’ this kind of battle, didn’t use the same liveliness and application which they’d ‘been accustomed’ to use in battles on land.

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[25] Quod ubi Caesar animadvertit, naves longas, paulum removeri ab onerariis navibus et remis incitari et ad latus apertum hostium constitui atque inde fundis, sagittis, tormentis hostes propelli ac submoveri iussit; quae res magno usui nostris fuit. Nam et navium figura et remorum motu et inusitato genere tormentorum permoti barbari constiterunt paulum pedem rettulerunt.

[25] When Caesar noticed ‘this’, he ordered warships, to be moved back a little from the transport ships and ‘propelled’ by ‘their’ oars and stationed towards the enemy’s open flank and, from there, the enemy to be driven away (and driven off) with slings, arrows, ‘and’ torsion catapults; which was a thing ‘of’ great use to our ‘men’. For, by both ‘our’ ships’ form and 'our' oars’ movement and ‘our’ unusual kind of catapults, the barbarians, ‘startled’, stopped and ‘retreated a little.

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[25] Atque nostris militibus cunctantibus, maxime propter altitudinem maris, qui X legionis aquilam gerebat, obtestatus deos, ut ea res legioni feliciter eveniret, 'desilite', inquit, 'milites, nisi vultis aquilam hostibus prodere; ego certe meum rei publicae atque imperatori officium praestitero.' Hoc cum voce magna dixisset, se ex navi proiecit atque in hostes aquilam ferre coepit. Tum nostri cohortati inter se, ne tantum dedecus admitteretur, universi ex navi desiluerunt. Hos item ex proximis navibus cum conspexissent, subsecuti hostibus adpropinquaverunt.

[25] And, with our soldiers hesitating, especially because of the sea’s depth, ‘he’ who carried the 10th legion’s standard, having entreated the gods, so that that matter might turn out favourably for the legion, said, ‘Jump down, soldiers, unless you wish to betray the standard to the enemy; I certainly will have performed my duty for the republic and for ‘my’ general.’ When he’d said this ‘in’ a ‘loud’ voice, he rushed forward from the ship and ‘began’ to bear the standard ‘towards’ the enemy. Then our ‘men’, having urged ‘one another’ among themselves, so that such a great disgrace wouldn’t be allowed, all jumped down from the ship. Also, when ‘men’ from the nearest ships had seen these ‘men’, having followed closely, they approached the enemy.

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[26] Pugnatum est ab utrisque acriter. Nostri tamen, quod neque ordines servare neque firmiter insistere neque signa subsequi poterant atque alius alia ex navi quibuscumque signis occurrerat se adgregabat, magnopere perturbabantur; hostes vero, notis omnibus vadii, ubi ex litore aliquos singulares ex navi egredientes conspexerant, incitatis equis impeditos adoriebantur, plures paucos circumsistebant, alii ab latere aperto in universos tela coiciebant.

The battle’ was fiercely fought by each ‘side’. However, our ‘men’, because they could neither protect ‘their’ ranks nor press on steadily nor follow ‘their’ standards and one ‘man’ from one ship attached himself to whatever standards he’d ‘encounter’, were ‘all’ thrown greatly into disorder; indeed the enemy, with all 'people in’ the shallow water known, when, from the shore, they’d seen some ‘soldiers’ disembarking from a ship one at a time, with ‘their’ horses urged on, attacked ‘those’ hindered, rather many surrounded a few, ‘and’ others hurled missiles upon all ‘our men’ from ‘our’ open flank.

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[26] Quod cum animadvertisset Caesar, scaphas longarum navium, item speculatoria navigia militibus compleri iussit, et quos laborantes conspexerat, his subsidia submittebat. Nostri, simul in arido constiterunt, suis omnibus consecutis, in hostes impetum fecerunt atque eos in fugam dederunt; neque longius prosequi potuerunt, quod equites cursum tenere atque insulam capere non potuerant. Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Caesari defuit.

When Caesar had noticed ‘this’, he ordered the warships’ boats, ‘and’ also the scouting vessels to be filled with soldiers, and he sent assistance for these ‘men’ whom he’d seen in distress. As soon as our ‘men’ had taken up a position on dry ‘land’, with all his own ‘men’ having followed ‘them’, they made an attack on the enemy and put them into flight; ‘but’ they couldn't pursue ‘them’ any further, because the cavalry hadn’t been able to hold ‘its’ course and reach the island. This one thing failed Caesar, compared to ‘his’ former success.

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[27] Hostes proelio superati, simul atque se ex fuga receperunt, statim ad Caesarem legatos de pace miserunt; obsides sese daturos quaeque imperasset facturos polliciti sunt. in petenda pace eius rei culpam in multitudinem contulerunt et propter imprudentiam ut ignosceretur petiverunt.

[27] As soon as the enemy, overcome by battle, retreated ‘in’ flight, they sent envoys at once to Caesar about peace; they promised that they’d give hostages and do ‘what’ he ‘would command’. In ‘seeking’ peace, they directed the blame of that matter onto the ‘people’ and asked that it might be forgiven because of ‘their’ thoughtlessness.

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[27] Caesar questus quod, cum ultro in continentem legatis missis pacem ab se petissent, bellum sine causa intulissent, ignoscere se imprudentiae dixit obsidesque imperavit; quorum illi partem statim dederunt, partem ex longinquioribus locis arcessitam paucis diebus sese daturos dixerunt. Interea suos in agros remigrare iusserunt, principesque undique convenire et se civitatesque suas Caesari commendare coeperunt.

[27] Caesar, having complained because, when they’d sought peace from him, with envoys voluntarily sent into the adjacent ‘land’, they’d made war on ‘them’ without reason, said that he forgave ‘their’ thoughtlessness and ordered hostages; a part of which they gave at once to ‘him and’ a part, summoned from rather distant places, they said that they’d give within a few days. Meanwhile they ordered their own ‘men’ to return onto ‘their’ fields, and the chiefs ‘began’ to assemble from all ‘parts’ and to ‘surrender’ themselves and their states to Caesar.

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[28] His rebus pace confirmata, post diem quartum quam est in Britanniam ventum naves XVIII, quae equites sustulerant, ex portu leni vento solverunt. Quae cum adpropinquarent Britanniae et ex castris viderentur, tanta tempestas subito coorta est ut nulla earum cursum tenere posset, sed aliae eodem unde erant profectae referrentur, aliae ad inferiorem partem insulae, quae est propius solis occasum, magno suo cum periculo deicerentur;

[28] With peace strengthened from these affairs, after the fourth day which ‘we came’ into Britain, the 18 ships, which had taken the cavalry on board, cast off from the harbour with a gentle wind. When ‘these ships’ approached Britain and were seen from the camp, such a great storm suddenly rose that ‘none’ of them could hold their course, but some were brought back ‘into’ the same ‘harbour’ from which they’d set out, ‘whereas’ others, ‘to’ their own great danger, were driven off course towards the lower part of the island, which is nearer ‘towards’ the west;

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[29] Eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena, qui dies maritimos aestus maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit, nostrisque id erat incognitum. Ita uno tempore et longas naves, quas Caesar in aridum subduxerat, aestus complebat, et onerarias, quae ad ancoras erant deligatae, tempestas adflictabat, neque ulla nostris facultas auxiliandi dabatur.

[29] On the same night it happened that there was a full moon, a time which was accustomed to bring about very big coastal tides from the Ocean, and it was unknown to our ‘men’.  So, at the one time, both the tide filled the warships, which Caesar had beached on dry ‘land’, and the storm was distressing the transport ‘ships’, which were tied to ‘their’ anchors, and ‘no’ opportunity ‘for supporting’ our men was given.

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[29] Compluribus navibus fractis, reliquae cum essent funibus, ancoris reliquisque armamentis amissis ad navigandum inutiles, magna, (...), totius exercitus perturbatio facta est. Neque enim naves erant aliae quibus reportari possent, et omnia deerant quae ad reficiendas naves erant usui, et, (...), frumentum in his locis in hiemem provisum non erat.

[29] With several ships wrecked, while ‘those’ remaining were, with ‘their’ ropes, anchors and ‘their’ remaining gear lost, useless for sailing, a great confusion happened ‘within’ the whole army. For there weren’t other ships ‘in’ which they could be carried back, and everything which was ‘of’ use ‘to repair’ ships was missing, and (...) corn ‘for’ the winter hadn’t been provided in these places.

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[30] Quibus rebus cognitis, principes Britanniae, qui post proelium ad Caesarem convenerant, inter se conlocuti, cum et equites et naves et frumentum Romanis deesse intellegerent et paucitatem militum ex castrorum exiguitate cognoscerent, optimum factu esse duxerunt rebellione facta frumento commeatuque nostros prohibere et rem in hiemem producere, quod his superatis aut reditu interclusis neminem postea belli inferendi causa in Britanniam transiturum confidebant. Itaque rursus coniuratione facta paulatim ex castris discedere et suos clam ex agris deducere coeperunt.

[30] With ‘these’ things learnt, when the chiefs of Britain, who’d come together to Caesar after the battle, having held a conference among themselves, realised that both cavalry and ships and corn were ‘lacking’ for the Romans and they learned ‘of’ the small number of ‘our’ soldiers from the ‘small area’ of ‘our’ camp, they reckoned that, with the revolt made, it was the best ‘plan’ to keep our ‘men’ away from corn and supplies and to draw the matter out into the winter, because, with these ‘people’ overcome or prevented from a return, they were sure that no one would cross into Britain afterwards ‘to make war’. Therefore, with a conspiracy made again, little by little, they ‘began’ to leave the camp and secretly bring down their own ‘men’ from ‘their’ fields. 

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[31] At Caesar, etsi nondum eorum consilia cognoverat, tamen (...) fore id quod accidit suspicabatur. Itaque ad omnes casus subsidia comparabat. Nam et frumentum ex agris cotidie in castra conferebat et, quae gravissime adflictae erant naves, earum materia atque aere ad reliquas reficiendas utebatur et quae ad eas res erant usui ex continenti comportari iubebat. Itaque, cum summo studio a militibus administraretur, XII navibus amissis, reliquis ut navigari satis commode posset effecit.

[31] But, although Caesar hadn’t yet got to know their plans, (...), he suspected that ‘what’ happened would ‘come to’ be. He therefore provided relief for all misfortunes. For he both directed corn every day from the fields into the camp and used the timber and brass of those ships, which were the most heavily ‘damaged', 'to repair’ the remaining ‘ships’ and he ordered ‘things’ which were ‘of’ use for those matters to be brought in from the continent. Therefore, when it was managed by the soldiers with the greatest enthusiasm, with 12 ships lost, he made out that ‘a journey’ could be sailed suitably enough with the remaining ‘ships’.

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[32] Dum ea geruntur, legione ex consuetudine una frumentatum missa neque ulla ad id tempus belli suspicione interposita, cum pars hominum in agris remaneret, pars etiam in castra ventitaret, ii qui pro portis castrorum in statione erant Caesari nuntiaverunt pulverem maiorem quam consuetudo ferret in ea parte videri quam in partem legio iter fecisset. Caesar id quod erat suspicatus aliquid novi a barbaris initum consilii, cohortes quae in statione erant secum in eam partem proficisci, reliquas armari et confestim sese subsequi iussit.

[32] While those things are being managed, with one legion sent ‘to’ go foraging as usual and ‘no’ suspicion of war admitted at that time, while part of ‘his’ people remained in ‘their’ fields, ‘and another’ part even kept coming into the camp, ‘those’ who were in the sentry post in front of the camp’s gates reported to Caesar that a greater dust than custom would ‘usually’ bear in that direction was seen, into which direction the legion had marched. Caesar, having suspected that which was ‘really the case, some’ new plan begun by the barbarians, ordered the cohorts which were in the sentry post to set out with him in that direction, ‘and’ the remaining ‘cohorts’ to be armed and support him / follow closely immediately.

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[32] Cum paulo longius a castris processisset, suos ab hostibus premi atque aegre sustinere et ( ex omnibus partibus tela coici animadvertit. Nam quod omni ex reliquis partibus demesso frumento pars una erat reliqua, suspicati hostes huc nostros esse venturos noctu in silvis delituerant; tum dispersos depositis armis in metendo occupatos subito adorti paucis interfectis reliquos incertis ordinibus perturbaverant, simul equitatu atque essedis circumdederant.

[32] When he’d advanced a little further from the camp, he noticed that his ‘men’ were being pressed back by the enemy and were withstanding with difficulty and (...) missiles were being hurled from all directions.  For, because there was ‘only’ one remaining part out of the remaining parts, with all the corn reaped, having suspected that our ‘men’ would come here, the enemy had lurked in the woods at night; then, having suddenly attacked ‘them as they’ dispersed, with ‘their’ arms put down ‘and’ occupied ‘with’ reaping, with a few killed, they’d thrown the remaining ‘soldiers’ into disorder with uncertain lines, as soon as they’d surrounded ‘them’ with cavalry and war chariots.

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[34] Quibus rebus perturbatis nostris [novitate pugnae] tempore oportunissimo Caesar auxilium tulit: namque eius adventu hostes constiterunt, nostri se ex timore receperunt. Quo facto, ad lacessendum hostem et committendum proelium alienum esse tempus arbitratus suo se loco continuit et brevi tempore intermisso in castra legiones reduxit. Dum haec geruntur, nostris omnibus occupatis qui erant in agris reliqui discesserunt.

[34] With our ‘men’ thrown into disorder by ‘these’ circumstances [by the battle’s strangeness], Caesar bore help at a most suitable time: for, with his arrival, the enemy froze, ‘and’ our ‘men’ withdrew from ‘their’ fear. With ‘this’ done, having thought that the time was unsuited ‘to’ striking the enemy and joining battle, he confined himself ‘in’ his post and with a short time allowed to elapse, he took the legions back into the camp. While these things are being managed, with all our ‘men’ occupied, the remaining ‘soldiers’ who were in the fields left.

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[34] Secutae sunt continuos complures dies tempestates, quae et nostros in castris continerent et hostem a pugna prohiberent. Interim barbari nuntios in omnes partes dimiserunt paucitatemque nostrorum militum suis praedicaverunt et quanta praedae faciendae atque in perpetuum sui liberandi facultas daretur, si Romanos castris expulissent, demonstraverunt. His rebus celeriter magna multitudine peditatus equitatusque coacta ad castra venerunt.

[34] Storms followed for several days, which both confined our ‘men’ in the camp and kept the enemy away from battle. Meanwhile the barbarians sent messengers away in all directions and they proclaimed and pointed out our soldiers’ small number to their (own) ‘people’ and how big an opportunity was being given for booty to be ‘obtained’ and ‘for’ their own ‘people’ to be freed forever, if they’d driven the Romans out from ‘their’ camp. With these advantages, with a great number of infantry and cavalry quickly gathered together, they came towards the camp.

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[35] Caesar, etsi idem quod superioribus diebus acciderat fore videbat, ut, si essent hostes pulsi, celeritate periculum effugerent, tamen nactus equites circiter XXX, quos Commius Atrebas, de quo ante dictum est, secum transportaverat, legiones in acie pro castris constituit. Commisso proelio diutius nostrorum militum impetum hostes ferre non potuerunt ac terga verterunt. Quos tanto spatio secuti quantum cursu et viribus efficere potuerunt, complures ex iis occiderunt, deinde omnibus longe lateque aedificiis incensis se in castra receperunt.

[35] Although Caesar considered that the same thing which had happened on previous days would ‘happen again’, that, if the enemy were routed, they’d escape danger with ‘their’ speed, however, having obtained around thirty horsemen, which Commius the Atrebatian, about whom it was spoken before, had transported with him (i.e. from Gaul), he arranged the legions in battle order in front of the camp. With battle joined, the enemy could no longer endure our soldiers’ attack and turned ‘their’ backs. Having followed ‘them’ for such a great distance as much as they could with ‘their’ speed and strength, they killed very many of them, then, with all ‘their’ buildings far and wide set on fire, they retreated into ‘their’ camp.

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[36] Eodem die legati ab hostibus missi ad Caesarem de pace venerunt. His Caesar numerum obsidum quem ante imperaverat duplicavit eosque in continentem adduci iussit, quod propinqua die aequinoctii infirmis navibus hiemi navigationem subiciendam non existimabat. Ipse idoneam tempestatem nactus paulo post mediam noctem naves solvit, quae omnes incolumes ad continentem pervenerunt; sed ex iis onerariae duae eosdem portus quos reliquae capere non potuerunt et paulo infra delatae sunt.

[36] On the same day envoyssent by the enemy came to Caesar concerning peace. To these ‘men’, Caesar doubled the number of hostages which he’d ordered before & ordered them to be taken into the adjacent ‘land’, because, with the day of the equinox near, he didn’t think that, with his ships ‘damaged’, the voyage ‘must’ be ‘rescheduled’ for the winter. Having come upon suitable weather, he himself cast off ‘his’ ships a little after midnight, which all reached the adjacent ‘land’ safely; but 2 of them, transport ‘ships’, couldn’t reach the same harbours which the remaining ‘ships did’ & (were ‘steered’ (brought) a little lower down.

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[37] Quibus ex navibus cum essent expositi milites circiter CCC atque in castra contenderent, Morini, quos Caesar in Britanniam proficiscens pacatos reliquerat, spe praedae adducti primo non ita magno suorum numero circumsteterunt ac, si sese interfici nollent, arma ponere iusserunt. Cum illi orbe facto sese defenderent, celeriter ad clamorem hominum circiter milia VI convenerunt; qua re nuntiata, Caesar omnem ex castris equitatum suis auxilio misit.

[37] When ‘our’ soldiers, around 300, had disembarked out of ‘these’ ships & (they) were marching into the camp, the Morini, whom Caesar, setting out into Britain, had left in peace, induced by the hope of booty, at first surrounded them with not such a big number of their own ‘men’ &, if they didn’t wish themselves to be killed, they ordered ‘them’ to put ‘down their’ arms. With a circle made, when they defended themselves, at a shout, around 6000 of ‘their’ men quickly assembled; with ‘this’ matter reported, Caesar sent all the cavalry out of the camp for help to his ‘men’.

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[37] Interim nostri milites impetum hostium sustinuerunt atque amplius horis IIII fortissime pugnaverunt et paucis vulneribus acceptis complures ex iis occiderunt. Postea vero quam equitatus noster in conspectum venit, hostes abiectis armis terga verterunt magnusque eorum numerus est occisus

[37] Meanwhile, our soldiers withstood the enemy’d attack and fought very bravely for 4 hours and, with a few wounds received, killed several of them. But, in fact, after our cavalry came into sight, the enemy, with ‘their’ weapons thrown away, turned ‘their’ backs and a large number of them was killed.

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[38] Caesar postero die T. Labienum legatum cum iis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos qui rebellionem fecerant misit. Qui cum propter siccitates paludum quo se reciperent non haberent, quo perfugio superiore anno erant usi, omnes fere in potestatem Labieni venerunt.

[38] The next day Caesar sent ‘his’ envoy, Titus Labienus, with those legions which he’d led back from Britain ‘against’ (into) the Morini, who’d made a revolt. And who, when they didn’t have ‘a place’ to where they might retreat because of their marshes’ dryness, which they’d used the previous year for refuge, almost all came into Labienus’ power.

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[38] At Q. Titurius et L. Cotta legati, qui in Menapiorum fines legiones duxerant, omnibus eorum agris vastatis, frumentis succisis, aedificiis incensis, quod Menapii se omnes in densissimas silvas abdiderant, se ad Caesarem receperunt. Caesar in Belgis omnium legionum hiberna constituit. Eo duae omnino civitates ex Britannia obsides miserunt, reliquae neglexerunt. His rebus gestis ex litteris Caesaris dierum XX supplicatio a senatu decreta est.

But ‘Caesar’s’ lieutenants, Quintus Titurius & Lucius Cotta, who’d led the legions into the Menapii’s borders, with all their fields destroyed, corns cut down, and buildings set on fire, because the Menapii [northern Gallic tribe] had all hidden themselves in the v. thick woods, retreated to(wards) Caesar. Caesar stationed all the legions’ winter ¼s among the Belgae [ppl of Nth Gaul; today’s Belgium]. Altogether, 2 states from Britain sent hostages (to) there, ‘&’ the remaining ‘states’ neglected ‘to do so’. With these exploits from Caesar’s letter, 20 days’ (public) thanksgiving was decreed by the senate.

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